By Peter D. Feaver
How do civilians regulate the army? within the wake of September eleven, the renewed presence of nationwide protection in daily life has made this question all of the extra urgent. during this e-book, Peter Feaver proposes an bold new thought that treats civil-military kin as a principal-agent courting, with the civilian government tracking the activities of army brokers, the ''armed servants'' of the countryside. army obedience isn't computerized yet is dependent upon strategic calculations of no matter if civilians will seize and punish misbehavior.
This version demanding situations Samuel Huntington's professionalism-based version of civil-military kinfolk, and gives an cutting edge approach of creating feel of the U.S. chilly battle and post-Cold warfare experience--especially the distinctively stormy civil-military family of the Clinton period. within the decade after the chilly warfare ended, civilians and the army had various run-ins over even if and the way to take advantage of army strength. those episodes, as interpreted by means of enterprise thought, contradict the traditional knowledge that civil-military relatives subject provided that there's threat of a coup. to the contrary, army professionalism doesn't on its own confirm unchallenged civilian authority. As Feaver argues, business enterprise thought bargains the easiest starting place for pondering family members among army and civilian leaders, now and sooner or later.
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Additional info for Armed Servants: Agency, Oversight, and Civil-Military Relations
S. national security (Russett 1990, pp. 87–118). More to the point, viewed in context with the other polling information about public respect for the military, cited above, attitudes about the need for increases or decreases in the defense budget are not reliable indicators of an underlying liberal hostility toward the military. 10 Huntington’s real concern was whether a liberal society would support enough defense spending to prevail in the Cold War. Clearly, in retrospect, it did. Huntington’s Cold War Puzzle 27 Evidence that American society supported enough military spending, however, is not evidence that Huntington’s prescriptions were followed.
24). This was at odds, moreover, with his 1957 observation that fusionism was waning in the American civil-military system (Huntington 1957, p. 459). Huntington’s Cold War Puzzle 37 Huntington’s 1977 treatment of the overlap of functions did, however, match Janowitz’s arguments about civil-military convergence. Janowitz saw the convergence most of all in the civilianization of the military, in which the functional specialty of the military, the management of violence, lost its distinctiveness and the military increasingly adopted organizational and managerial tools from the civilian world of business and commerce.
In other words, the data seem to indicate that Huntington’s 1957 description of the distribution of preferences remained more accurate than his 1977 description. Moreover, since the data continue through to the present, it is possible to plot an extension of Huntington’s argument into the late Cold War period. Did the higher levels of security provided in the late Cold War correspond with a convergence of civil-military opinion, as Huntington’s theory expected? 15 On matters of domestic policy, Russett and Hanson found that military elites were more conservative than civilian elites in general, although the business subsector of civilian elites was somewhat closer to the military (Russett and Hanson 1975, pp.